As I have been reading documents about self-study practices, more often than not the subject comes up in the context of not being able to continue schooling after elementary, middle, or high school (that subject is a very succinct phrase in Chinese, 未升学的初中毕业生). This problem is very grave in the 1950s, often to the point where students in this situation in Shanghai feel they have no choice but to go to "Huangpu River University" which, according to later clarifications, is a fancy way of saying suicide. Especially among heads of households, a lack of higher education to them equals socioeconomic suicide. However, by the 1950s, the government had not yet been able to expand public education to the point of guaranteeing everyone a place in high school and college, and therefore had to find alternatives for these students to "keep them off the street" (see my earlier post).
One of these options is to join the work force. Obviously, one would not need a high level of education to work in a factory, and as the government worked towards higher and higher productivity, laborers were needed. This posed a problem, however. As the government consolidated factories and brought them under state control, there was a surplus of factory workers who found themselves unemployed. Ironically, a lot of these laborers ended up working as teachers, as Eddie U pointed out in his book, as of all the jobs in the PRC, teachers were in the highest demand. It would be interesting to find out if a lot of these 不能升学 students ended up being recycled right back into schools.
A very long article published in the People's Daily sought to solve this problem. They claimed that, indeed, factories in cities were being overrun with people, but the countryside could always use help 种地. The article explained that all of the attitudes towards a future in agriculture in the countryside were false: it was an honorable future with a lot of potential (as the main complaint was that such jobs had no future). In fact, those with some schooling from the cities could bring their knowledge to the countryside, thus making the entire country better.
Another option for these students is to self study, a subject I have brought up quite a bit in these last few posts. There are quite a few government documents and newspaper articles about this, and that a person can actually have a very bright future in the world of self study. Another article in the People's Daily pointed out that many experts in many fields never went to college and still made a difference to the field and to the country. For more on this topic, see the post below.
Along with self study, and self made experts, the government put together a series of supplemental learning options together, called either "work education" or "free time education." Another document includes nearly 200 pages of schedules for workers of different companies, demonstrating when they could partake in this freetime education and what kinds of classes they can take. These will usually be "skill" classes related to their work, but others also included culture classes. According to the People's Daily, culture classes (文化）are crucial because it contributes to the improvement of the socialist country and contributes to the betterment of production.
Even with all these options, this problem is a huge problem. It also raises the question of government responsibility. Of all the newspaper articles that address this subject (and there are quite a few) almost all of them begin with: "the education system after liberation has improved quite a bit, but there is still work to be done. In the meantime, what do we do with these students who cannot go on in school?" This statement implies that it is the government's job to figure out how to solve this problem. At the same time, other personal testimonies of people in this situation imply that it is the person's job to take it upon himself to better the country by learning and studying more. For example, an article in the People's Daily tells the story of an illiterate old man who learned to read all on his own by memorizing a few characters a day. This story, and the way he is portrayed as a hero, seems to exalt self motivation and learning during private time, with absolutely no governmental help. This is a tension that should be addressed in all studies about the communist era: the role of the government and the place of the government as opposed to the individual. I think we often believe that the communist government did everything it could to be in constant control of everything, that it found everything within its rights. However, after reading Eddie U's book, I think we need to accept that a lot of our assumptions about both Communist policies and their efficacy are quite false.
However, at this point, this is a difficult measure to make, not only because of a lack of data but also for a lack of measuring. I just think it is an important point to bring up among all these other points. I also think it will be interesting to explore what was going on in this arena before 1949. I found some self-study help books, which mention things like self study groups, often organized by book stores. But this seems to have less of a feel of learning basic skills to increase production, and more like the way we see book clubs in the states today, as embracing personal interests on ones' own. As I read more, I can find out the accuracy of this generalization.
3/30/2009
Research Notes: What do we do with hooligans?
A few months ago, I went to a conference held at East China Normal University about visual histories of Shanghai. One of the presentations that stuck out in my mind was about representations of "Ah Fei" or the quintessential "Chinese Hooligan." I found this presentation interesting because I had never seen this stereotype before, and I also found it amusing that representations Ah Fei often looked like John Travolta in Grease.
While doing research in the past few days, Ah Fei once again reared his ugly head, this time in documents about self study habits. This new topic I have been exploring has brought to light some important topics in the study of education and the study of culture in the PRC. In this document about the importance of self study, the author claimed that filling up workers' time with supplementary learning and self study habits will keep them from becoming Ah Fei. Similarly, another document mentioned that self study practices are important for keeping people from hanging out and doing nothing on the streets. In American terms, basically, teaching kids to study on their own keeps them "off the streets." However, it is more than keeping kids off the streets, simply because Chinese workers (those participating in self study) had a lot less free time than school children in America today. One document outlined the average schedule of a Chinese worker, filled with 12 hour days and self criticism/pary politics meetings. The government, however, was still concerned with fillin the one free evening these workers had with self study practices. Thus, the control or influence the government has on free time is much larger than what we see in America.
This is not the only reason that the PRC encouraged its citizens to self study. One of the main topics that came up both in documents and in newspaper articles is the problem of students who do not 升学， or "move up in school" (I guess would be the best translation). Basically, according to statistics from Shanghai, there are only so many places in high school after graduation from primary or middle school, and there are more students who have graduated than can continue on. Thus, the government came up with a series of plans that put these graduated students into various programs that would efficiently use their productive capabilities. One of these plans is self study small groups, allowing those who could not continue in school to continue their education. As a young girl whose success story in self study landed her in the Peoples' Daily claimed, if you can't 升学, self study is the next best thing.
Self study also solves other problems for the government. There were a series of people who graduated from elementary school or high school before the revolution, and therefore did not receive the political education that those who were growing up post 1949 received. Therefore, the government encouraged workers to take "free time classes" or "supplementary classes" to not only improve their knowledge in areas like math and science, but also improve their political and cultural knowledge in light of the new Chinese government. More practically, self study allowed these people to learn practical skills, namely Mandarin Chinese. I had a chat with a professor who grew up in the late 1950s and early 1960s. While her reasons for self study were due to the Cultural Revolution rather than being to old to receive a post 1949 education, she actively used radio programs to improve her Mandarin. She told me that her Mandarin today is quite good because she took it upon herself to study it from radio broadcasting.
Another reason that the government advocated self study in the 1950s is that it encourages or cultivates the self study "attitude" or "desire." For a government highly concerned with productivity, an attitude of going above and beyond expecations would certainly be beneficial. Many of the government documents mention the importance of the "自学心" or the "自学性," although not much more detail is given. However, other government documents purport that a certain amount of independence, especially in overcoming hardship, is important because "China's problems are big, Shanghai's problems are also big, and individual problems are comparatively small." Therefore, an individual's ability to take his destiny into his own hands is important in a country in reform, which inevitably leads back to the "self study attitude."
We can extract a few major themes from this premilinary evidence. First of all, the government is highly concerned with filling up people's time so as to increase productivity and development. The self study radio broadcasts and other materials focus on two main classes: Mandarin and Math. One implies a desire to create cultural homogeny, and the other implies a desire to improve engineering and technical development among the work force. However, even while a "national language" creates a certain amount of national adhesion in a theoretical and emotional sense, it is also practical: if a country's people can all speak the same language, national production is that much more efficient. Another document clarifies this objective further. Self study classes in Mandarin should promote literacy and putonghua; algebra classes should teach knowledge relevant to factory and labor production; and natural science classes should teach information relevant to agricultural production. Clearly, the government wanted to use these classes so as to improve productivity in every way possible.
At the same time, however, it is important to note that the government encourages the "self study attitude" within the bounds of government control. The government is not encouraging people to simply go out and study as they wish with whatever materials they can find; instead, the government created a series of options from which people can choose: radio broadcasts, government published materials, and self study small groups or supplemental classes. Thus, what we see here is not a continuation of the early 1900s May Fourth self created Renaissance Man-like thinkers, but instead a very narrow field within which people can explore their own talents. This is not the only narrative, but it is the main one. There are times where the government emphasizes that it is lacking in its responsibilities in education, and that individuals must pick up the slack. Therefore, there is this balance between individual work ethic and government help (a balance we are struggling with in the US right now)
I must note, however, that the above view may be slightly biased, since the only places I have looked for evidence is state controlled newspapers and government documents. It is natural, therefore, for this evidence to focus on state created material rather than independent scholars and self created experts. Perhaps interviews or personal testimonies would tell a different story.
While doing research in the past few days, Ah Fei once again reared his ugly head, this time in documents about self study habits. This new topic I have been exploring has brought to light some important topics in the study of education and the study of culture in the PRC. In this document about the importance of self study, the author claimed that filling up workers' time with supplementary learning and self study habits will keep them from becoming Ah Fei. Similarly, another document mentioned that self study practices are important for keeping people from hanging out and doing nothing on the streets. In American terms, basically, teaching kids to study on their own keeps them "off the streets." However, it is more than keeping kids off the streets, simply because Chinese workers (those participating in self study) had a lot less free time than school children in America today. One document outlined the average schedule of a Chinese worker, filled with 12 hour days and self criticism/pary politics meetings. The government, however, was still concerned with fillin the one free evening these workers had with self study practices. Thus, the control or influence the government has on free time is much larger than what we see in America.
This is not the only reason that the PRC encouraged its citizens to self study. One of the main topics that came up both in documents and in newspaper articles is the problem of students who do not 升学， or "move up in school" (I guess would be the best translation). Basically, according to statistics from Shanghai, there are only so many places in high school after graduation from primary or middle school, and there are more students who have graduated than can continue on. Thus, the government came up with a series of plans that put these graduated students into various programs that would efficiently use their productive capabilities. One of these plans is self study small groups, allowing those who could not continue in school to continue their education. As a young girl whose success story in self study landed her in the Peoples' Daily claimed, if you can't 升学, self study is the next best thing.
Self study also solves other problems for the government. There were a series of people who graduated from elementary school or high school before the revolution, and therefore did not receive the political education that those who were growing up post 1949 received. Therefore, the government encouraged workers to take "free time classes" or "supplementary classes" to not only improve their knowledge in areas like math and science, but also improve their political and cultural knowledge in light of the new Chinese government. More practically, self study allowed these people to learn practical skills, namely Mandarin Chinese. I had a chat with a professor who grew up in the late 1950s and early 1960s. While her reasons for self study were due to the Cultural Revolution rather than being to old to receive a post 1949 education, she actively used radio programs to improve her Mandarin. She told me that her Mandarin today is quite good because she took it upon herself to study it from radio broadcasting.
Another reason that the government advocated self study in the 1950s is that it encourages or cultivates the self study "attitude" or "desire." For a government highly concerned with productivity, an attitude of going above and beyond expecations would certainly be beneficial. Many of the government documents mention the importance of the "自学心" or the "自学性," although not much more detail is given. However, other government documents purport that a certain amount of independence, especially in overcoming hardship, is important because "China's problems are big, Shanghai's problems are also big, and individual problems are comparatively small." Therefore, an individual's ability to take his destiny into his own hands is important in a country in reform, which inevitably leads back to the "self study attitude."
We can extract a few major themes from this premilinary evidence. First of all, the government is highly concerned with filling up people's time so as to increase productivity and development. The self study radio broadcasts and other materials focus on two main classes: Mandarin and Math. One implies a desire to create cultural homogeny, and the other implies a desire to improve engineering and technical development among the work force. However, even while a "national language" creates a certain amount of national adhesion in a theoretical and emotional sense, it is also practical: if a country's people can all speak the same language, national production is that much more efficient. Another document clarifies this objective further. Self study classes in Mandarin should promote literacy and putonghua; algebra classes should teach knowledge relevant to factory and labor production; and natural science classes should teach information relevant to agricultural production. Clearly, the government wanted to use these classes so as to improve productivity in every way possible.
At the same time, however, it is important to note that the government encourages the "self study attitude" within the bounds of government control. The government is not encouraging people to simply go out and study as they wish with whatever materials they can find; instead, the government created a series of options from which people can choose: radio broadcasts, government published materials, and self study small groups or supplemental classes. Thus, what we see here is not a continuation of the early 1900s May Fourth self created Renaissance Man-like thinkers, but instead a very narrow field within which people can explore their own talents. This is not the only narrative, but it is the main one. There are times where the government emphasizes that it is lacking in its responsibilities in education, and that individuals must pick up the slack. Therefore, there is this balance between individual work ethic and government help (a balance we are struggling with in the US right now)
I must note, however, that the above view may be slightly biased, since the only places I have looked for evidence is state controlled newspapers and government documents. It is natural, therefore, for this evidence to focus on state created material rather than independent scholars and self created experts. Perhaps interviews or personal testimonies would tell a different story.
3/21/2009
China's often forgotten SAR
When I was in Hong Kong a year ago, there was a great art exhibit called "Made in Hong Kong." The introduction began by debunking a common assumption: "Made in Hong Kong" always refers to Hong Kong's important economic status as a deep water port and the center of production for the Pearl River Delta, but is often considered a "cultural wasteland." Still today, I hear many people (often from the mainland) refer to Hong Kong as a cultural wasteland. The preface to this exhibit claimed that this assumption is false, and that in many ways, Hong Kong is a very unique place with a very unique local culture. It is Asia's most "international city" but in some ways is "more Chinese" than mainland China itself since it managed to escape the Communists' assault on all things traditional. The exhibit included sculptures, paintings, photos, and installation art inspired by living in Hong Kong. This included sculptures of all the people one would meet on the subway (including children with backpacks with Japanese characters, or the stereotypical salesman going to and from Shenzhen with the giant red plaid bags), photos of people who still live in those 10 square meter apartments, and traditional Chinese paintings about local Hong Kong news, such as the alligator swimming about the pearl river that no foreigner could catch. My personal favorite was a series of paintings in which the author had copied scenes from movies that he thought represented Hong Kong culture; one scene he painted was a Jackie Chan movie where a bunch of men were playing cards, and the subtitles read "all I know is that I have six passports."
For the past few years, ever since I lived in Hong Kong, I have always been fascinated with Hong Kong identity, especially in relation to mainland China. I've read a few books and articles, but more than anything, I've made my own observations about how Hong Kongers see themselves based upon conversations with locals. I once read a theory (I can't remember where) that Hong Kong is a unique place because they "missed out" on nationalism; while the rest of the world was solidifying their own national identity, Hong Kong was solidifying its place in the global market. This is where Hong Kong remains today: the center of the market but outside the world of national politics. Yet there is more to Hong Kong identity than just its place in the world economy. A recent speech I heard in Hong Kong at a conference addressed this issue. The speaker, a local Hong Konger, asserted that Hong Kong became what it was because of the failure of the mainland in the past half century, and therefore their own sense of identity is centered around how they are not like mainland China (mainland China is the "other" if you will). We can even see this in the way that Hong Kong people approach public health: we don't want another SARS scare like we saw in the 1990s due to the failure of the Communist government. I was actually surprised at the blunt way the speaker called the mainland "backwards" multiple times throughout the speech as he made distinctions between the mainland and Hong Kong.
The next day at the conference, however, we set off for Macao. While its gambling institutions have made it world famous, still oftentimes we forget about Macao, lost in Hong Kong's shadow. At the conference, we were given a "crash course" about Macao's history, economics and politics. One of the presenting professors said, in passing, that Macao has often had closer ties with the mainland, both culturally and politically, than Hong Kong had ever been. In a private conversation afterward, the professor elaborated on this point. He explained that because of Hong Kong and Macao's diverging history, their relative connection to the mainland has manifested quite differently. While Hong Kong had their great migration from the mainland in the 1960s, mostly people escaping the Cultural Revolution, Macao didn't see its large Mainland migration until the 1980s, thus making Macao's new immigrant population much closer to the mainland. And furthermore, since these immigrants were not escaping political persecution, they did not have the same desire to stay as removed as possible from politics like those escaping to Hong Kong in the 1960s.
Another reason for these digressing trajectories is their relative colonial histories. Both were European colonies well into the end of the 20th century, some of the last territories to gain their independence from Europe. However, while Britain took a very large interest in the general welfare of Hong Kong (such as health care and education) especially throughout the last half century, political turmoil in Portugal left Macao largely forgotten. Hong Kong found their identity in their own burgeoning economy and status as a world economic hub, Macao had to find their own way without the help of their colonizer, and naturally they looked to the mainland.
Obviously, this is an incredibly short and inchoate explanation as to why Hong Kong stays politically alienated (purposefully so) from the mainland, embracing their national identity only when it is positive for them (for example: "Oh we are so proud of being Chinese during the Olympics" but "Oh that habit is so dirty, must be those mainlanders) and why those in Macao seem to feel a closer tie to their now "nation." But as the 2003 protests show (and various conversations with local Hong Kongers) Hong Kong people are quite opinionated when it comes to fear of political domination from their neighbor. I think this would be a fascinating topic to address. Perhaps a comparison would be too ambitious, but a deep analysis of the history of the relations of Hong Kong, Macao, and mainland China throughout the last half of the 20th century could tell a lot about their populations today. I have always wanted to explore Hong Kong identity, as I find it a unique place due to its economic development but loss of national identity. But the truth is, Hong Kong is not unique, as Macao followed a similar history. If I don't get the chance to explore these ideas, someone should.
For the past few years, ever since I lived in Hong Kong, I have always been fascinated with Hong Kong identity, especially in relation to mainland China. I've read a few books and articles, but more than anything, I've made my own observations about how Hong Kongers see themselves based upon conversations with locals. I once read a theory (I can't remember where) that Hong Kong is a unique place because they "missed out" on nationalism; while the rest of the world was solidifying their own national identity, Hong Kong was solidifying its place in the global market. This is where Hong Kong remains today: the center of the market but outside the world of national politics. Yet there is more to Hong Kong identity than just its place in the world economy. A recent speech I heard in Hong Kong at a conference addressed this issue. The speaker, a local Hong Konger, asserted that Hong Kong became what it was because of the failure of the mainland in the past half century, and therefore their own sense of identity is centered around how they are not like mainland China (mainland China is the "other" if you will). We can even see this in the way that Hong Kong people approach public health: we don't want another SARS scare like we saw in the 1990s due to the failure of the Communist government. I was actually surprised at the blunt way the speaker called the mainland "backwards" multiple times throughout the speech as he made distinctions between the mainland and Hong Kong.
The next day at the conference, however, we set off for Macao. While its gambling institutions have made it world famous, still oftentimes we forget about Macao, lost in Hong Kong's shadow. At the conference, we were given a "crash course" about Macao's history, economics and politics. One of the presenting professors said, in passing, that Macao has often had closer ties with the mainland, both culturally and politically, than Hong Kong had ever been. In a private conversation afterward, the professor elaborated on this point. He explained that because of Hong Kong and Macao's diverging history, their relative connection to the mainland has manifested quite differently. While Hong Kong had their great migration from the mainland in the 1960s, mostly people escaping the Cultural Revolution, Macao didn't see its large Mainland migration until the 1980s, thus making Macao's new immigrant population much closer to the mainland. And furthermore, since these immigrants were not escaping political persecution, they did not have the same desire to stay as removed as possible from politics like those escaping to Hong Kong in the 1960s.
Another reason for these digressing trajectories is their relative colonial histories. Both were European colonies well into the end of the 20th century, some of the last territories to gain their independence from Europe. However, while Britain took a very large interest in the general welfare of Hong Kong (such as health care and education) especially throughout the last half century, political turmoil in Portugal left Macao largely forgotten. Hong Kong found their identity in their own burgeoning economy and status as a world economic hub, Macao had to find their own way without the help of their colonizer, and naturally they looked to the mainland.
Obviously, this is an incredibly short and inchoate explanation as to why Hong Kong stays politically alienated (purposefully so) from the mainland, embracing their national identity only when it is positive for them (for example: "Oh we are so proud of being Chinese during the Olympics" but "Oh that habit is so dirty, must be those mainlanders) and why those in Macao seem to feel a closer tie to their now "nation." But as the 2003 protests show (and various conversations with local Hong Kongers) Hong Kong people are quite opinionated when it comes to fear of political domination from their neighbor. I think this would be a fascinating topic to address. Perhaps a comparison would be too ambitious, but a deep analysis of the history of the relations of Hong Kong, Macao, and mainland China throughout the last half of the 20th century could tell a lot about their populations today. I have always wanted to explore Hong Kong identity, as I find it a unique place due to its economic development but loss of national identity. But the truth is, Hong Kong is not unique, as Macao followed a similar history. If I don't get the chance to explore these ideas, someone should.
3/20/2009
Research Notes: The Chunjie problem
I have a Fulbrighter friend who is doing research on the return of migrant workers in Beijing back to their home rural villages. Originally, he had planned to research why certain workers decided voluntarily to leave city life for their families in the countryside, but due to the current economic crisis, he has instead switched his project so that he could focus on forced migrations back to the countryside because of unemployment. Similarly, another friend who looks at migrant education was fascinated to find out how many of the migrant children would return after Chinese New Year, since many of them, after the holiday, had no jobs to come back to.
This migration back and forth, from urban Shanghai and Beijing to the rural west, has been a concern of the party since 1949, although for different reasons. While the current concern of the movement of migrant workers is tied to the economic crisis and the threat of unrest among the population, concern in the 1950s was tied to the psychological effect of moving between city and countryside. A long document in a series from the Shanghai Communist Party branch discussed the possible effects of the chunjie (Chinese New Year) migration. It included statistics of how many migrant workers moved back and forth in the year 1955 for the holiday (their estimates are 225,000 people, about 25% of the working class population) as well as the possible risks of allowing this huge migration. Their fears included the possibility that when the migrant workers return, they may not have the same "energetic spirit" that they had before chunjie. Furthermore, when they see life in the countryside after seeing life in the city, they may have one of two reactions: one may be further faith in the revolution, but another may be disappointment. Many of these concerns are related to a possible lapse in productivity, but also echo a fear of revolt or a loss of faith in the party. Nevertheless, the documents come to the conclusion that as far as 1955, the effect of the chunjie migration was nothing but positive; productivity did not decrease at all, and it seems that there is even higher participation in party sponsored meetings and activities.
What this points to, besides a continued concern about rural/urban migration, is a Communist party concern with the private lives of Chinese people. It is considered perfectly acceptable to worry about workers going home for the holidays and to take record of possible effects a holiday family visit could have on the psyche of the entire country (imagine this in America: documents about the possible effects of Christmas breaks on the success of the government). There is also an assumed responsibility of the government to control the free time of its people. This is furthered by the fact that this document is in a larger set about the problem of laborer's "free time." The documents include research about how workers spend their free time as well as how to fill up that free time with more party activities.
A professor and I were discussing this "free time" issue, and he told me that he had come across an article in the People's Daily about the "free time" issue. The article concluded that free time was state owned, and given to the people. The concern of the government with chunjie holidays seems to point to this conclusion as well, as any free time could feasibly contribute to the failure of the revolution. And while we may attribute this to Communism itself, I'm not sure that this issue is not necessarily a universal one. We even have daylight savings time so as to increase productivity, implying government involvement in our free time (what if I wanted more time at night?). This will be an interesting problem to explore.
This migration back and forth, from urban Shanghai and Beijing to the rural west, has been a concern of the party since 1949, although for different reasons. While the current concern of the movement of migrant workers is tied to the economic crisis and the threat of unrest among the population, concern in the 1950s was tied to the psychological effect of moving between city and countryside. A long document in a series from the Shanghai Communist Party branch discussed the possible effects of the chunjie (Chinese New Year) migration. It included statistics of how many migrant workers moved back and forth in the year 1955 for the holiday (their estimates are 225,000 people, about 25% of the working class population) as well as the possible risks of allowing this huge migration. Their fears included the possibility that when the migrant workers return, they may not have the same "energetic spirit" that they had before chunjie. Furthermore, when they see life in the countryside after seeing life in the city, they may have one of two reactions: one may be further faith in the revolution, but another may be disappointment. Many of these concerns are related to a possible lapse in productivity, but also echo a fear of revolt or a loss of faith in the party. Nevertheless, the documents come to the conclusion that as far as 1955, the effect of the chunjie migration was nothing but positive; productivity did not decrease at all, and it seems that there is even higher participation in party sponsored meetings and activities.
What this points to, besides a continued concern about rural/urban migration, is a Communist party concern with the private lives of Chinese people. It is considered perfectly acceptable to worry about workers going home for the holidays and to take record of possible effects a holiday family visit could have on the psyche of the entire country (imagine this in America: documents about the possible effects of Christmas breaks on the success of the government). There is also an assumed responsibility of the government to control the free time of its people. This is furthered by the fact that this document is in a larger set about the problem of laborer's "free time." The documents include research about how workers spend their free time as well as how to fill up that free time with more party activities.
A professor and I were discussing this "free time" issue, and he told me that he had come across an article in the People's Daily about the "free time" issue. The article concluded that free time was state owned, and given to the people. The concern of the government with chunjie holidays seems to point to this conclusion as well, as any free time could feasibly contribute to the failure of the revolution. And while we may attribute this to Communism itself, I'm not sure that this issue is not necessarily a universal one. We even have daylight savings time so as to increase productivity, implying government involvement in our free time (what if I wanted more time at night?). This will be an interesting problem to explore.
Research Notes: Radio schooling
While I was taking a cab in Harbin, the driver was listening to a radio program I found quite funny. It began with an advertisement about how "we must make our country and our city proud by studying English very well!" A friend in the car made a joke about how this was so important for us, but the cab driver listened quite intently. He then practiced with us, telling us "nice to meet you" and "it is very cold outside" (an appropriate English phrase considering the weather in Harbin in February).
In America in the last 20 years, "video killed the radio star" but educational programs in China still overwhelm the airwaves, and they have for nearly 60 years. Because of a tip from a reliable source, I have been looking into informal education practices in the 50s and 60s, or "self study" practices. This is important not only because no one has really looked at it, but also because during China's turbulent 50s-70s, this type of education became more and more important. The Communist regime attempted (more successfully than most governments) to attain universal education and universal literacy, but because of practicality, oftentimes the official schooling system was quite lacking. Eddie U's book about bureacracy in China and the USSR showed the failures of teacher recruitment in Shanghai in the early 50s: as factories consolidated and became state-owned and the number of students in school increased exponentially, there was a shortage of teachers; in order to deal with this shortage, the government recruited just about everyone to become teachers, including housewives and laborers with little to no education, and even people who had been repeatedly fired from old jobs and had forged their qualifications. Even a friend at the archives told me that his mandarin teacher could hardly speak mandarin herself, causing a lacking in the education system. Furthermore, by the time of the cultural revolution, formal education stopped completely, forcing studious youth to create their own ways to learn new skills. This became crucial come 1976, when the college entrance exam was reestablished.
While these self study practices relied largely on students, they were highly encouraged by government through radio programs. I came aross a series of documents from 1954 which outlined radio shows to teach students who had already graduated from elementary and middle school about language, politics, math, and science. As far as the language lessons, the documents explain that the purpose of these documents is not only to improve reading skills and speaking skills, but also to nurture the "self study attitude." The lessons were also not only political, but also talked about nature, famous artists, and foreign countries (from Moscow to China).
The natural science classes were meant to teach basic geology, chemistry, health, and biology. It was also meant to teach listeners about the fundamentals of science and the scientific method. The math classes were meant to teach "practical" math, and also to cultivate "self study practice." (According to Eddie U's book, while it might be hard to teach math over the radio, this class could be important; he reported from interviews some of thes untrained teachers writing on the board "41 x 1 =1"). The math class over all others seems to focus on giving laborers and the workforce "practical knowledge" that could serve to "increase productivity."
The documents on the politics class seem to, more than the others, address the intended audience for these radio shows. The documents explain that previous classes in politics, under the KMT, didn't give students a full understanding of the true political system or their place within it. Therefore, they couldn't understand the politics classes. These classes seem to have the goal of teaching former students educated under the KMT a proper understanding of the political system of their own government. Obviously, the communist party had many other institutions in place to address this issue, but this also emphasizes the role of the listener to engage in his own learning.
I hope to write more on this issues of self study practice, as this is just one part of it. Since currently I am looking at government documents, and self study implies practice outside of traditional institutions, I have not yet explored the full picture. I hope to, through other sources, delve deeper into this.
In America in the last 20 years, "video killed the radio star" but educational programs in China still overwhelm the airwaves, and they have for nearly 60 years. Because of a tip from a reliable source, I have been looking into informal education practices in the 50s and 60s, or "self study" practices. This is important not only because no one has really looked at it, but also because during China's turbulent 50s-70s, this type of education became more and more important. The Communist regime attempted (more successfully than most governments) to attain universal education and universal literacy, but because of practicality, oftentimes the official schooling system was quite lacking. Eddie U's book about bureacracy in China and the USSR showed the failures of teacher recruitment in Shanghai in the early 50s: as factories consolidated and became state-owned and the number of students in school increased exponentially, there was a shortage of teachers; in order to deal with this shortage, the government recruited just about everyone to become teachers, including housewives and laborers with little to no education, and even people who had been repeatedly fired from old jobs and had forged their qualifications. Even a friend at the archives told me that his mandarin teacher could hardly speak mandarin herself, causing a lacking in the education system. Furthermore, by the time of the cultural revolution, formal education stopped completely, forcing studious youth to create their own ways to learn new skills. This became crucial come 1976, when the college entrance exam was reestablished.
While these self study practices relied largely on students, they were highly encouraged by government through radio programs. I came aross a series of documents from 1954 which outlined radio shows to teach students who had already graduated from elementary and middle school about language, politics, math, and science. As far as the language lessons, the documents explain that the purpose of these documents is not only to improve reading skills and speaking skills, but also to nurture the "self study attitude." The lessons were also not only political, but also talked about nature, famous artists, and foreign countries (from Moscow to China).
The natural science classes were meant to teach basic geology, chemistry, health, and biology. It was also meant to teach listeners about the fundamentals of science and the scientific method. The math classes were meant to teach "practical" math, and also to cultivate "self study practice." (According to Eddie U's book, while it might be hard to teach math over the radio, this class could be important; he reported from interviews some of thes untrained teachers writing on the board "41 x 1 =1"). The math class over all others seems to focus on giving laborers and the workforce "practical knowledge" that could serve to "increase productivity."
The documents on the politics class seem to, more than the others, address the intended audience for these radio shows. The documents explain that previous classes in politics, under the KMT, didn't give students a full understanding of the true political system or their place within it. Therefore, they couldn't understand the politics classes. These classes seem to have the goal of teaching former students educated under the KMT a proper understanding of the political system of their own government. Obviously, the communist party had many other institutions in place to address this issue, but this also emphasizes the role of the listener to engage in his own learning.
I hope to write more on this issues of self study practice, as this is just one part of it. Since currently I am looking at government documents, and self study implies practice outside of traditional institutions, I have not yet explored the full picture. I hope to, through other sources, delve deeper into this.
2/27/2009
Snow and Ice with Colored Lights
A couple of weekends ago, I made my way up north to Heilongjiang province, in the far northeast of China (China's Maine, if you will)to see Harbin's annual Ice and Snow festival. Harbin is bitterly cold in the winter, usually not getting above 20 degrees Fahrenheit, but it is high tourism season, with flocks of local and international visitors coming to snowboard and ski, and to look at Harbin's festival of life sized castles made out of ice. Held in 3 parks this year, this festival features scaled down buildings, monuments, symbols, and figures all entirely carved from ice and snow, and then illuminated from the inside by colored lights.
Harbin itself is also a beautiful city, full of culture and an interesting modern history. Harbin borders Russia to the north, and is also the Chinese end of the Trans-Siberian railway, and has had close ties to Russia in the 20th century after a railway was built from Russia into Harbin and Dalian at the turn of the century. Russians flooded into Northern China for much of the early part of the century, as evidenced by the architecture (which almost looks like Europe). Still today, many of the goods hawked in souvenir shops are Russian, and the most common foreign tourists are also Russian (which would explain why, while I was there, most Chinese thought I was Russian. Some even tried to speak Russian to me). A lot of foreign architecture was destroyed in the Cultural Revolution, and we are lucky that we still have some of the architecture left today, including the Church of St. Sophia, restored and in beautiful shape.
Harbin is also home to some of China's minority groups, including Manchus and Mongols. Heilongjiang was, before 1949, considered "Manchuria," which is where the Qing dynasty began and where the Japanese began their invasion of China in 1931 (and for a short period it was renamed "Manchukuo"). We can still see influence here through the food, much of which is spicy fatty meats.
The Ice Festival, however, was the main pull for me as I bundled up and headed north. This year, there were 3 parks where we could see ice and snow sculptures. The first was held in Zhaolin Park, and for the first time, was entirely Disney themed. A private company licensed by Disney took over the designs, making giant versions of Cinderella's castle, the Black Pearl from Pirates of the Caribbean, and Mickey's small toon house cottage. We had a wonderful time riding down a slide on the Black Pearl, although (since the slide was made of ice) it was very cold.
The next park we went to was across the Songjiang river in Sun Island Park, which was by far the largest display. This one was distinct because the sculptures were not actually made of ice, but snow. And for some reason (I still am not clear) many of the sculptures were about...Finland...? (except for, of course, the Bird's Nest).
The final park was supposed to be the biggest (as it was the most expensive) but it was actually the smallest of the three, its just that the sculptures were the largest of any of the parks. Giant pagodas, Buddhas, mosques, churches, and of course, a 40 foot tall bottle of Harbin Beer. There were activities at this park also on the larger scale, such as a slide that one slides down on a sled (which means that they go harrowing down a tunnel of ice as ice chips spray in their face so they can't even see as they crash into a hard snowbank, which effectively dislocates their legs), and tobogganing on a pool of ice.
All and all, Harbin was a wonderful place to visit, as, along with our ice castle adventures, we also visited the Siberian tiger park (which was a tentative ride on a bus covered in cages through a field filled with 800 pound tigers that could have very easily made the bus topple over if they had the mind to it).
We also walked along a road with old Russian architecture (and ate some fabulous Russian food), and went to some Buddhist temples, which were beautiful. I actually found Harbin one of the most pleasant Chinese cities I've ever been to, despite the freezing cold and Chinese peoples' attempts to speak Russian to me. I would highly recommend a trip to Harbin.
As a side note, I stopped in Jilin city on the way up to Harbin. I spent 7 hours in Jilin, which was honestly 5 hours too many. I only went up hoping to see the trees crystallize with ice (which they weren't) and to see a Confucian temple (which had been torn down). Also, information for others like me, Jilin has no coffee shop. :P
2/12/2009
Research Notes: Hong Kong presentation
I wrote the following believing that I had to give a presentation on my research at a conference in Hong Kong. While our presentation time is far too short to fully explain the following ideas, I thought it would be good to put something slightly more formal than usual on this blog.
Philadelphia recently opened a new museum to house the original Constitution and Bill of Rights. One of the highlights of the museum (besides taking pictures with metal models of the founding fathers) is a 20 minute interactive presentation about the meaning of the constitution for us today. Viewers are surrounded with a montage of images and sounds which, after spending about 10 minutes on the Revolutionary War and the writing of the Constitution, confronts them with numerous events that shape our identity as Americans: the Civil War, the ending of slavery, the World Wars, Martin Luther King, early cinema, Rosie the Riveter, 1960s culture wars, and numerous patriotic phrases and songs. I remember watching many members of the audience wipe their eyes at the end, moved to tears by a confrontation of our identity as it connects to the past and the seemingly timeless ideals we cling to today.
This is mainly what I have been trying to grasp in China. Chinese identity today stems from its creation throughout the 20th century, and the main venue for the creation of identity (like it is in most countries) is through education. This is especially complicated in China because of the political shifts it has seen in the past century. Americans have been able to attach their identity to a political ideology because its essence has remained for over 200 years, which is also the amount of time our country has even existed as a feasible entity. Chinese people, on the other hand, have had and still have a variety of political ideologies upon which to build their identity, but their history as a collective has remained for thousands of years. Because of this, narratives on what in means to be "Chinese" are drastically different depending upon the time period and the geographic location of the intended audience and the creators.
While this topic is large enough to encompass multiple full length studies, I would like to present a small scale comparison of three sets of textbooks (supplemented by textbooks from similar places and time periods). All are primary school "changshi" textbooks, a rather perplexing trend of textbooks meant to encompass the expected "everyday knowledge" that an educated primary school child should know. These textbooks, which include everything from basic physical science and engineering, to wildlife and history and culture, were supplemented in classes by more discipline specific courses (such as civics and health textbooks), but I found these to be a good documentary basis because, as their name suggests, they are meant to provide children with a foundation. Thus, while some chapters are irrelevant to the creation of identity, many of the chapters point to the publishers' most basic concepts of what "Chinese" identity should be.
The comparison lies in their geographic location and time period, as these geographic and chronological differences point to the variegations of Chinese identity. The first set was published in the 1930s in Shanghai, thus subject to Guomindang influence. The second set was also published in Shanghai, but in the 1950s, thus under the direction of the CCP. The final set was actually not published in China proper, but in Hong Kong, and was also published in the 1950s. These textbooks are also unique in that their audience was not Hong Kong primary school students, but overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia, thus giving us a glimpse into a diaspora identity. For a more accurate comparison, I have also supplemented this last set with a set meant for Southeast Asian overseas Chinese published in the 1930s, thus demonstrating the importance of the time period on the message within the textbooks. By comparing these sets of textbooks, we can better grasp the multifacetedness of Chinese identity, specifically as how the connect to political system and historical memory.
In the 1930s, the Guomindang reformed the ministry of education and helped to create a "new curriculum" for students that included political ideology in tune with the current regime.[1] We first see this new curriculum in a set of textbooks published in 1934. Since this is the first set of textbooks within which we see the height of Guomindang control, these textbooks can best reflect the kind of Chinese identity the government wished to create. For this reason, it is not surprising that one of the most important facets of Chinese identity emphasized in these textbooks is attachment to a governmental institution. In a chapter called "The Republic of China,"the textbook states:
I asked the teacher "why is my country called the Republic of China?" Teacher said "China (中华) is our country's name, and Republic (民国) demonstrates our democratic ideology. Therefore, we are called the Republic of China (中华民国).[2]
Through this quote, we see that even the name of China was tied to the type of government, thus making Chinese identity dependent upon the political system. The textbook also included many chapters about Sun Yat Sen as the father of the modern Chinese nation. It reads: "I asked 'how was the Republic of China established?' Teacher said 'In the last years of the Qing dynasty, the government collapsed. Mr. Sun Yat Sen came and saved our country and our people by acting as our leader..."[3] The chapter then continued with the story of the 1911 revolution. Once again, as we established that China is synonymous with the Republic of China, the association of Sun Yat Sen with the foundation of the country tied government to country, and country to national identity.
However, Chinese identity was not only associated with the government, but also to behavior and civic responsibility. In fact, national sentiment was considered crucial to being Chinese. The textbook explained the importance of nationalism "民族主义" which was one of Sun Yat Sen's founding principles. After explaining its meaning, the textbook told children that they must maintain a nationalistic spirit so that China may one day be equal to the great countries of the world.[4] Similarly, textbooks emphasized civic responsibility through classroom activities, including school groups and meetings. The curriculum outlined the proper format for class meetings. It also emphasized the correlation between public group meetings and the public group, thus contributing to the politicization and growth of the public sphere in the classroom. As Robert Culp has pointed out, the government also heavily emphasized student government organizations after class time, thus furthering the connection between civic behavior and national identity.[5]
The connection between behavior and identity was not limited only to civic engagement. This textbook was published in the height of the New Life Movement, in which the Guomindang attempted to recreate public behavior so that it fit Western models of hygiene. Specifically, the movement focused on the hygiene of "食衣住行" or the cleanliness of our food, our clothing, our living spaces, and our behavior.[6] With this movement in mind, the textbook series emphasized proper ways to brush teeth and wash oneself, proper clothing, proper bathroom etiquette, etc. This was to, as a hygiene teaching manual posits, to bring China to a higher world status through proper hygiene practices. Thus, through a control of personal and corporeal behavior, the government associated modernity with hygiene, and associated itself with this new type of behavior, bringing the understanding of identity to a much more physical light. To put it another way, the government created a certain kind of citizen by limiting the space within which a child can use and approach his or her own body. By manifesting citizenry in this very physical way, a child's entire outlook on life is determined by the parameters set. This is not foreign to us today. Americans are still shocked when they go to China and hear others spitting; in fact, the sound itself creates a Pavlovian response of nausea or discomfort. This concept of identity through body is not a new one, and many scholars have addressed it. I think it is important to bring up here, however, to demonstrate the variety of ways that citizenship can be expressed during this period, and, as we will see, this concept is also borrowed by the Communists in the 1950s.
Finally, this 1934 textbook associated identity with a certain recreation of historical memory. There are two major trends in the history chapters: modern history and colonization, and great Chinese contributions to the development of society. The series stressed the importance of the Opium wars in China's humiliation, and the colonization of China, and specifically the defeat at the hands of Japan.[7] The authors juxtaposed this national pride as associated with victimization and national humiliation with chapters about China's greatness. The chapters about the invention of paper and the antiquity of Chinese civilization demonstrate a proud history to which no great power at the time could compare.
The politicization of identity was (and is) not unique to Guomindang China, and in fact many of these techniques were recycled in the 1950s. The CCP also tied the concept of "China" to the People's Republic of China with similar chapters about the name and its association. One of the chapters that emphasized this most heavily is the chapter about Taiwan. The chapter stated that Taiwan is a Chinese territory, but because of its governmental body and its "colonization by western capitalists" its people (who are still Chinese) live with great pain and suffering.[8] This dichotomy clearly shows that, while Chinese people live everywhere, they were suffering without their government. Similarly, a pride in China is associated with a pride in the socialist way of life. Socialism and Communism is often associated to standing up to the Western way of life and proving that non Western countries can create an equal if not greater way of living. With the establishment of the Peoples Republic, China became a great and prosperous nation. To say that the Chinese nation is simply equivalent to the government is simplistic; instead, we should think that the nation can realize its full potential with the help of the government. One chapter in particular outlines the characteristics of this new China: it is independent, it is a true democracy (which is defined as a society where every person is equally important), it is very free, it is very prosperous, and it is lead by the Communist Party.[9]
Like the Guomindang textbooks, identity is also tied to correct behavior. Hygiene is still considered crucial, and there is an emphasis on science and anatomy, thus creating citizenship in a similar manner as the Guomindang.[10] Children were also taught for the first time a Western scientific method.[11] This new emphasis on science took the Guomindang efforts of the New Life Movement and takes them even further. Science was considered the alternative to backwardness and feudalism, and by relying on science, China could become even better. This element of Chinese identity remained from the Nationalist period. Civic engagement behavior was emphasized as well, though with different behavioral expectations. Unlike the Guomindang, which never mentioned its soldiers in these textbooks, the Communists made the red army members the most important national heroes. A chapter on the liberation army listed the freedoms and privileges that Chinese people received because of the liberation army's sacrifice. Similarly, stories about the long march, the Japanese invasion, and the ever famous Luding bridge story furthered this glorification of military service which encouraged mimetic behavior.[12] Children were also urged to continue the revolution, and textbooks reminded them that the battle against Feudalism and Imperialism was not won despite the establishment of the new China.
Also in continuation with the 1930s, these textbooks emphasized certain parts of modern history over others. While the Opium war and the 1911 revolution received chapters of their own, the authors regarded these incidents as only the first steps. Chapters about the Communist purge in the 1930s, the Communists' role in the war against Japan, and the war of liberation served to shift the creation of "China" as a country from 1911 to 1949, thus painting the 1911-1949 China as inchoate. These textbooks obviously did not forget the importance of the early revolution, and continued to paint Sun Yat Sen as a hero. However, Chiang Kai Shek's collaboration with capitalists makes him the person who failed the new China (although his Communist purges probably in reality gained him that role).
The history of early China was also important, though slightly deemphasized. In one textbook, writers claimed that the origin of man was actually in China.[13] Other chapters talk about China's bronze age and, like the 1930s textbooks, China's great inventions.[14] These chapters, when combined with pride-filled chapters about China's large size in both population and square miles, demonstrate nationalism that stems not only from the Communist party, but also from non-political concepts. Thus, nationalism was not completely politicized, but instead played upon an emotional tie to Chinese cultural entities. However, because of the emphasis on the "New China" this apolitical nationalism is largely restricted. Confucius, for instance, was nowhere to be found.
One large difference between the earlier textbooks and these 1950s textbooks was the emphasis on types of people in society. The nationalist government and the 1930s textbook authors were not concerned with class, as civic behavior could come from any type of person. Communism by definition, however, glorifies the laborers and the workers. Thus, chapters in these 1950s textbooks explained the plight of the rural laborers, and how before the new China, landlords and rich peasants exploited their hard work.[15] Unlike the 1930s, these textbooks granted citizenship only to certain types of people, and very harshly excluded others. The extension of class association to national pride, therefore, is a mark of the Communist platform, and is important in the creation of identity because of who were included and celebrated, and who were eternally excluded from the Chinese nation.
Clearly, the intended audience's time period and geographic location drastically influenced the type of politicization of Chinese identity in the 20th century. How does this identity manifest itself, however, when politics are abandoned? In order to see this, we can look to similar textbooks published in the 1950s in Hong Kong for Southeast Asian overseas Chinese, as the messages about Chinese identity in these textbooks were almost entirely apolitical.
In these textbooks, Chinese identity was almost entirely based upon a celebration of China's achievements before the 20th century. This includes chapters about the great inventions of China, including print, the compass, paper, and fireworks.[16] There are also chapters on Confucius, and chapters about the Chinese writing system, which stresses its antiquity and complexity. This was necessary because of a divorce from politics, however this had ramifications. In mainland China, where traditional culture was being uprooted by intellectuals, these textbooks regress back to a celebration of tradition and antiquity. Gone are the criticisms of "feudal" society, and instead these elements are celebrated, creating a new brand of Chinese identity.
However, these overseas Chinese textbooks do create identity on more than ancient history. Beyond history, overseas Chinese are taught to be proud of their country's current achievements in production. There are chapters on the development of all the major Chinese cities, as well as about China's natural resources. The textbooks celebrate China's rapid development into first world status. A chapter on China's current development claims "China is currently diligently rebuilding, whether it is in the factory and labor sector or the agricultural sector, all sectors have seen great success, and the speed at which China is developing seems without limits."[17] With these two types of chapters, students' connections to the mainland are based mainly upon antiquity and tangible achievements. Current intellectual struggles are abandoned in favor of a remembrance and elevated recreation of China's ancient past.
While all of the chapters referred to China as "my country," truthfully, the chapters about China were very few in number. In fact, there were just as many chapters about Southeast Asian countries as there were about China. Similarly, history was not heavily emphasized. There were a few chapters on dynastic histories, and a history of independence movements in Southeast Asia, but in general, history related chapters were discarded in favor of more chapters on science and anatomy. Similarly, the textbook emphasized a certain amount of multiculturalism. It recognized that the classmates of many of these students may not have been Chinese, and celebrated multiethnic neighborhoods and friendships. It also recognized that China was not limited to Han race people, and a colorful map that included small pictures of China's 56 races furthered the concept of plural identity, both in terms of race and geographic location.[18] In addressing this possible contradiction, there was a chapter dedicated to the Huaqiao of Southeast Asia, which legitimized their Chinese identity as cultural ambassadors to other places. The chapter on Southeast Asian overseas Chinese claimed, "They (overseas Chinese) have given much towards the opening up of Southeast Asia. The have also brought their Chinese culture to Southeast Asia."[19] These chapters, and other chapters that emphasize multiculturalism within a proud Chinese heritage, helped them to solidify their identity as Chinese people living outside of China.
Obviously, the geographic location of the audience of these textbooks was crucial in determining the manifestation of "Chinese identity" as perceived through textbooks. But the time period was also crucial. If we look at changshi textbooks from the 1930s, also meant for overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia, we see another narrative altogether.[20] The textbook still taught children about the geography of Southeast Asia, but besides those few chapters (numbering 7 altogether), they were almost exact replicas of the new curriculum textbooks from 1934. There are chapters about Sun Yat Sen, Chiang Kai Shek, and the nationalist flag had its picture proudly displayed throughout the textbook. Therefore, not all textbooks meant for Southeast Asian overseas Chinese were apolitical; on the contrary, this was a post 1949 phenomenon.
This can be understood by the politics of the time period. First of all, after 1949, many of the publishing companies had fled to Hong Kong, the only geographic location in greater China that had managed to escape the Nationalist/Communist battle. Therefore, it was not either government who determined the content of the textbooks, which was the case in the 1930s and for mainland Chinese textbooks in the 1950s. Furthermore, by this point, both Taiwan and mainland China had begun to look inward rather than embracing the influence of outside countries. Perhaps it is the case (though I admit that I don't know) that neither location wanted to send textbooks to huaqiao of Southeast Asia, and the job fell to Hong Kong. Regardless of the reason, the fact is that after 1949, the dominating force controlling narratives of Chinese identity shifted from mainland China to Hong Kong, a place that after 1949 had also removed itself from the political battles of greater China. These textbooks were not only a reflection of a Southeast Asian overseas Chinese identity, but also of a Hong Kong Chinese identity, which was much more cultural than it was political, and also embraced a certain amount of multiculturalism. This is true today in Hong Kong as well, and while the education system is now in the hands of the People's Republic, Hong Kong Chinese pride is still divorced from a strong pride in a political system.
What does this mean to us today? It helps us to better understand the government and political environment of China in the 1930s and the 1950s, and also helps us to trace the evolution of Chinese nationalism and identity. The nationalism we see in China today, and the lack of fervent nationalism we see in Hong Kong today, is a product of this battle of identity creation. It also helps us to see the process of the construction of identity in general. Different people in different places approach nationalism in different ways, we attach to things we know and understand. Therefore, the nationalism of an overseas Chinese must be presented in a different way from their mainland counterparts. This is only a small comparison, but it helps us to see the broader picture. And it is through small comparisons like these that we can begin to piece together the layered ways in which Chinese all around the world approach their own identity.
[1] Culp, Robert. Articulating Citizenship Civic Education and Student Politics in Southeastern China, 1912-1940.Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2007; 50 -52.
[2]王创星。 常识课本， 第五册。上海：世界书局印行, 1934; 2.
[3] Ibid, 3.
[4] Ibid, 15.
[5] Culp, 97-108.
[6] N.A.新生活运动。 新生活运动促进总会编印，1934; 3.
[7]王创星。 常识课本， 第五册。上海：世界书局印行, 1934; 67-70.
[8] N.A. 初级小学常识课本: 第六册. 上海：人民教育出版社, 1949; 28.
[9] N.A. 初级小学常识课本: 第八册. 上海：人民教育出版社, 1949; 46
[10] This is probably an oversimplification, but I admit that I don't know enough now to further extrapolate on this topic.
[11] 十年制学校小学课本（试用本）常识第一册。人民教育出版社编出版， 上海教育出版社重印，1961; 35-40.
[12] N.A. 初级小学常识课本: 第七册. 上海：人民教育出版社, 1949; 24.
[13]十年制学校小学课本, 1.
[14] N.A. 初级小学常识课本: 第三册. 上海：人民教育出版社, 1949; 6-17
[15]N.A. 初级小学常识课本: 第八册，4-9
[16]N.A.华侨适用初级小学课本常识 ：第六册。香港：中华书局，商务印书馆，1957; 1-2.
[17] N.A.华侨适用初级小学课本常识 ：第八册，62.
[18] N.A.华侨适用初级小学课本常识 ：第四册，1。
[19] N.A.华侨适用初级小学课本常识 ：第八册，22-23。
[20] N.A.华侨适用初级小学课本常识 ：第八册， 22-23。
Philadelphia recently opened a new museum to house the original Constitution and Bill of Rights. One of the highlights of the museum (besides taking pictures with metal models of the founding fathers) is a 20 minute interactive presentation about the meaning of the constitution for us today. Viewers are surrounded with a montage of images and sounds which, after spending about 10 minutes on the Revolutionary War and the writing of the Constitution, confronts them with numerous events that shape our identity as Americans: the Civil War, the ending of slavery, the World Wars, Martin Luther King, early cinema, Rosie the Riveter, 1960s culture wars, and numerous patriotic phrases and songs. I remember watching many members of the audience wipe their eyes at the end, moved to tears by a confrontation of our identity as it connects to the past and the seemingly timeless ideals we cling to today.
This is mainly what I have been trying to grasp in China. Chinese identity today stems from its creation throughout the 20th century, and the main venue for the creation of identity (like it is in most countries) is through education. This is especially complicated in China because of the political shifts it has seen in the past century. Americans have been able to attach their identity to a political ideology because its essence has remained for over 200 years, which is also the amount of time our country has even existed as a feasible entity. Chinese people, on the other hand, have had and still have a variety of political ideologies upon which to build their identity, but their history as a collective has remained for thousands of years. Because of this, narratives on what in means to be "Chinese" are drastically different depending upon the time period and the geographic location of the intended audience and the creators.
While this topic is large enough to encompass multiple full length studies, I would like to present a small scale comparison of three sets of textbooks (supplemented by textbooks from similar places and time periods). All are primary school "changshi" textbooks, a rather perplexing trend of textbooks meant to encompass the expected "everyday knowledge" that an educated primary school child should know. These textbooks, which include everything from basic physical science and engineering, to wildlife and history and culture, were supplemented in classes by more discipline specific courses (such as civics and health textbooks), but I found these to be a good documentary basis because, as their name suggests, they are meant to provide children with a foundation. Thus, while some chapters are irrelevant to the creation of identity, many of the chapters point to the publishers' most basic concepts of what "Chinese" identity should be.
The comparison lies in their geographic location and time period, as these geographic and chronological differences point to the variegations of Chinese identity. The first set was published in the 1930s in Shanghai, thus subject to Guomindang influence. The second set was also published in Shanghai, but in the 1950s, thus under the direction of the CCP. The final set was actually not published in China proper, but in Hong Kong, and was also published in the 1950s. These textbooks are also unique in that their audience was not Hong Kong primary school students, but overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia, thus giving us a glimpse into a diaspora identity. For a more accurate comparison, I have also supplemented this last set with a set meant for Southeast Asian overseas Chinese published in the 1930s, thus demonstrating the importance of the time period on the message within the textbooks. By comparing these sets of textbooks, we can better grasp the multifacetedness of Chinese identity, specifically as how the connect to political system and historical memory.
In the 1930s, the Guomindang reformed the ministry of education and helped to create a "new curriculum" for students that included political ideology in tune with the current regime.[1] We first see this new curriculum in a set of textbooks published in 1934. Since this is the first set of textbooks within which we see the height of Guomindang control, these textbooks can best reflect the kind of Chinese identity the government wished to create. For this reason, it is not surprising that one of the most important facets of Chinese identity emphasized in these textbooks is attachment to a governmental institution. In a chapter called "The Republic of China,"the textbook states:
I asked the teacher "why is my country called the Republic of China?" Teacher said "China (中华) is our country's name, and Republic (民国) demonstrates our democratic ideology. Therefore, we are called the Republic of China (中华民国).[2]
Through this quote, we see that even the name of China was tied to the type of government, thus making Chinese identity dependent upon the political system. The textbook also included many chapters about Sun Yat Sen as the father of the modern Chinese nation. It reads: "I asked 'how was the Republic of China established?' Teacher said 'In the last years of the Qing dynasty, the government collapsed. Mr. Sun Yat Sen came and saved our country and our people by acting as our leader..."[3] The chapter then continued with the story of the 1911 revolution. Once again, as we established that China is synonymous with the Republic of China, the association of Sun Yat Sen with the foundation of the country tied government to country, and country to national identity.
However, Chinese identity was not only associated with the government, but also to behavior and civic responsibility. In fact, national sentiment was considered crucial to being Chinese. The textbook explained the importance of nationalism "民族主义" which was one of Sun Yat Sen's founding principles. After explaining its meaning, the textbook told children that they must maintain a nationalistic spirit so that China may one day be equal to the great countries of the world.[4] Similarly, textbooks emphasized civic responsibility through classroom activities, including school groups and meetings. The curriculum outlined the proper format for class meetings. It also emphasized the correlation between public group meetings and the public group, thus contributing to the politicization and growth of the public sphere in the classroom. As Robert Culp has pointed out, the government also heavily emphasized student government organizations after class time, thus furthering the connection between civic behavior and national identity.[5]
The connection between behavior and identity was not limited only to civic engagement. This textbook was published in the height of the New Life Movement, in which the Guomindang attempted to recreate public behavior so that it fit Western models of hygiene. Specifically, the movement focused on the hygiene of "食衣住行" or the cleanliness of our food, our clothing, our living spaces, and our behavior.[6] With this movement in mind, the textbook series emphasized proper ways to brush teeth and wash oneself, proper clothing, proper bathroom etiquette, etc. This was to, as a hygiene teaching manual posits, to bring China to a higher world status through proper hygiene practices. Thus, through a control of personal and corporeal behavior, the government associated modernity with hygiene, and associated itself with this new type of behavior, bringing the understanding of identity to a much more physical light. To put it another way, the government created a certain kind of citizen by limiting the space within which a child can use and approach his or her own body. By manifesting citizenry in this very physical way, a child's entire outlook on life is determined by the parameters set. This is not foreign to us today. Americans are still shocked when they go to China and hear others spitting; in fact, the sound itself creates a Pavlovian response of nausea or discomfort. This concept of identity through body is not a new one, and many scholars have addressed it. I think it is important to bring up here, however, to demonstrate the variety of ways that citizenship can be expressed during this period, and, as we will see, this concept is also borrowed by the Communists in the 1950s.
Finally, this 1934 textbook associated identity with a certain recreation of historical memory. There are two major trends in the history chapters: modern history and colonization, and great Chinese contributions to the development of society. The series stressed the importance of the Opium wars in China's humiliation, and the colonization of China, and specifically the defeat at the hands of Japan.[7] The authors juxtaposed this national pride as associated with victimization and national humiliation with chapters about China's greatness. The chapters about the invention of paper and the antiquity of Chinese civilization demonstrate a proud history to which no great power at the time could compare.
The politicization of identity was (and is) not unique to Guomindang China, and in fact many of these techniques were recycled in the 1950s. The CCP also tied the concept of "China" to the People's Republic of China with similar chapters about the name and its association. One of the chapters that emphasized this most heavily is the chapter about Taiwan. The chapter stated that Taiwan is a Chinese territory, but because of its governmental body and its "colonization by western capitalists" its people (who are still Chinese) live with great pain and suffering.[8] This dichotomy clearly shows that, while Chinese people live everywhere, they were suffering without their government. Similarly, a pride in China is associated with a pride in the socialist way of life. Socialism and Communism is often associated to standing up to the Western way of life and proving that non Western countries can create an equal if not greater way of living. With the establishment of the Peoples Republic, China became a great and prosperous nation. To say that the Chinese nation is simply equivalent to the government is simplistic; instead, we should think that the nation can realize its full potential with the help of the government. One chapter in particular outlines the characteristics of this new China: it is independent, it is a true democracy (which is defined as a society where every person is equally important), it is very free, it is very prosperous, and it is lead by the Communist Party.[9]
Like the Guomindang textbooks, identity is also tied to correct behavior. Hygiene is still considered crucial, and there is an emphasis on science and anatomy, thus creating citizenship in a similar manner as the Guomindang.[10] Children were also taught for the first time a Western scientific method.[11] This new emphasis on science took the Guomindang efforts of the New Life Movement and takes them even further. Science was considered the alternative to backwardness and feudalism, and by relying on science, China could become even better. This element of Chinese identity remained from the Nationalist period. Civic engagement behavior was emphasized as well, though with different behavioral expectations. Unlike the Guomindang, which never mentioned its soldiers in these textbooks, the Communists made the red army members the most important national heroes. A chapter on the liberation army listed the freedoms and privileges that Chinese people received because of the liberation army's sacrifice. Similarly, stories about the long march, the Japanese invasion, and the ever famous Luding bridge story furthered this glorification of military service which encouraged mimetic behavior.[12] Children were also urged to continue the revolution, and textbooks reminded them that the battle against Feudalism and Imperialism was not won despite the establishment of the new China.
Also in continuation with the 1930s, these textbooks emphasized certain parts of modern history over others. While the Opium war and the 1911 revolution received chapters of their own, the authors regarded these incidents as only the first steps. Chapters about the Communist purge in the 1930s, the Communists' role in the war against Japan, and the war of liberation served to shift the creation of "China" as a country from 1911 to 1949, thus painting the 1911-1949 China as inchoate. These textbooks obviously did not forget the importance of the early revolution, and continued to paint Sun Yat Sen as a hero. However, Chiang Kai Shek's collaboration with capitalists makes him the person who failed the new China (although his Communist purges probably in reality gained him that role).
The history of early China was also important, though slightly deemphasized. In one textbook, writers claimed that the origin of man was actually in China.[13] Other chapters talk about China's bronze age and, like the 1930s textbooks, China's great inventions.[14] These chapters, when combined with pride-filled chapters about China's large size in both population and square miles, demonstrate nationalism that stems not only from the Communist party, but also from non-political concepts. Thus, nationalism was not completely politicized, but instead played upon an emotional tie to Chinese cultural entities. However, because of the emphasis on the "New China" this apolitical nationalism is largely restricted. Confucius, for instance, was nowhere to be found.
One large difference between the earlier textbooks and these 1950s textbooks was the emphasis on types of people in society. The nationalist government and the 1930s textbook authors were not concerned with class, as civic behavior could come from any type of person. Communism by definition, however, glorifies the laborers and the workers. Thus, chapters in these 1950s textbooks explained the plight of the rural laborers, and how before the new China, landlords and rich peasants exploited their hard work.[15] Unlike the 1930s, these textbooks granted citizenship only to certain types of people, and very harshly excluded others. The extension of class association to national pride, therefore, is a mark of the Communist platform, and is important in the creation of identity because of who were included and celebrated, and who were eternally excluded from the Chinese nation.
Clearly, the intended audience's time period and geographic location drastically influenced the type of politicization of Chinese identity in the 20th century. How does this identity manifest itself, however, when politics are abandoned? In order to see this, we can look to similar textbooks published in the 1950s in Hong Kong for Southeast Asian overseas Chinese, as the messages about Chinese identity in these textbooks were almost entirely apolitical.
In these textbooks, Chinese identity was almost entirely based upon a celebration of China's achievements before the 20th century. This includes chapters about the great inventions of China, including print, the compass, paper, and fireworks.[16] There are also chapters on Confucius, and chapters about the Chinese writing system, which stresses its antiquity and complexity. This was necessary because of a divorce from politics, however this had ramifications. In mainland China, where traditional culture was being uprooted by intellectuals, these textbooks regress back to a celebration of tradition and antiquity. Gone are the criticisms of "feudal" society, and instead these elements are celebrated, creating a new brand of Chinese identity.
However, these overseas Chinese textbooks do create identity on more than ancient history. Beyond history, overseas Chinese are taught to be proud of their country's current achievements in production. There are chapters on the development of all the major Chinese cities, as well as about China's natural resources. The textbooks celebrate China's rapid development into first world status. A chapter on China's current development claims "China is currently diligently rebuilding, whether it is in the factory and labor sector or the agricultural sector, all sectors have seen great success, and the speed at which China is developing seems without limits."[17] With these two types of chapters, students' connections to the mainland are based mainly upon antiquity and tangible achievements. Current intellectual struggles are abandoned in favor of a remembrance and elevated recreation of China's ancient past.
While all of the chapters referred to China as "my country," truthfully, the chapters about China were very few in number. In fact, there were just as many chapters about Southeast Asian countries as there were about China. Similarly, history was not heavily emphasized. There were a few chapters on dynastic histories, and a history of independence movements in Southeast Asia, but in general, history related chapters were discarded in favor of more chapters on science and anatomy. Similarly, the textbook emphasized a certain amount of multiculturalism. It recognized that the classmates of many of these students may not have been Chinese, and celebrated multiethnic neighborhoods and friendships. It also recognized that China was not limited to Han race people, and a colorful map that included small pictures of China's 56 races furthered the concept of plural identity, both in terms of race and geographic location.[18] In addressing this possible contradiction, there was a chapter dedicated to the Huaqiao of Southeast Asia, which legitimized their Chinese identity as cultural ambassadors to other places. The chapter on Southeast Asian overseas Chinese claimed, "They (overseas Chinese) have given much towards the opening up of Southeast Asia. The have also brought their Chinese culture to Southeast Asia."[19] These chapters, and other chapters that emphasize multiculturalism within a proud Chinese heritage, helped them to solidify their identity as Chinese people living outside of China.
Obviously, the geographic location of the audience of these textbooks was crucial in determining the manifestation of "Chinese identity" as perceived through textbooks. But the time period was also crucial. If we look at changshi textbooks from the 1930s, also meant for overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia, we see another narrative altogether.[20] The textbook still taught children about the geography of Southeast Asia, but besides those few chapters (numbering 7 altogether), they were almost exact replicas of the new curriculum textbooks from 1934. There are chapters about Sun Yat Sen, Chiang Kai Shek, and the nationalist flag had its picture proudly displayed throughout the textbook. Therefore, not all textbooks meant for Southeast Asian overseas Chinese were apolitical; on the contrary, this was a post 1949 phenomenon.
This can be understood by the politics of the time period. First of all, after 1949, many of the publishing companies had fled to Hong Kong, the only geographic location in greater China that had managed to escape the Nationalist/Communist battle. Therefore, it was not either government who determined the content of the textbooks, which was the case in the 1930s and for mainland Chinese textbooks in the 1950s. Furthermore, by this point, both Taiwan and mainland China had begun to look inward rather than embracing the influence of outside countries. Perhaps it is the case (though I admit that I don't know) that neither location wanted to send textbooks to huaqiao of Southeast Asia, and the job fell to Hong Kong. Regardless of the reason, the fact is that after 1949, the dominating force controlling narratives of Chinese identity shifted from mainland China to Hong Kong, a place that after 1949 had also removed itself from the political battles of greater China. These textbooks were not only a reflection of a Southeast Asian overseas Chinese identity, but also of a Hong Kong Chinese identity, which was much more cultural than it was political, and also embraced a certain amount of multiculturalism. This is true today in Hong Kong as well, and while the education system is now in the hands of the People's Republic, Hong Kong Chinese pride is still divorced from a strong pride in a political system.
What does this mean to us today? It helps us to better understand the government and political environment of China in the 1930s and the 1950s, and also helps us to trace the evolution of Chinese nationalism and identity. The nationalism we see in China today, and the lack of fervent nationalism we see in Hong Kong today, is a product of this battle of identity creation. It also helps us to see the process of the construction of identity in general. Different people in different places approach nationalism in different ways, we attach to things we know and understand. Therefore, the nationalism of an overseas Chinese must be presented in a different way from their mainland counterparts. This is only a small comparison, but it helps us to see the broader picture. And it is through small comparisons like these that we can begin to piece together the layered ways in which Chinese all around the world approach their own identity.
[1] Culp, Robert. Articulating Citizenship Civic Education and Student Politics in Southeastern China, 1912-1940.Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2007; 50 -52.
[2]王创星。 常识课本， 第五册。上海：世界书局印行, 1934; 2.
[3] Ibid, 3.
[4] Ibid, 15.
[5] Culp, 97-108.
[6] N.A.新生活运动。 新生活运动促进总会编印，1934; 3.
[7]王创星。 常识课本， 第五册。上海：世界书局印行, 1934; 67-70.
[8] N.A. 初级小学常识课本: 第六册. 上海：人民教育出版社, 1949; 28.
[9] N.A. 初级小学常识课本: 第八册. 上海：人民教育出版社, 1949; 46
[10] This is probably an oversimplification, but I admit that I don't know enough now to further extrapolate on this topic.
[11] 十年制学校小学课本（试用本）常识第一册。人民教育出版社编出版， 上海教育出版社重印，1961; 35-40.
[12] N.A. 初级小学常识课本: 第七册. 上海：人民教育出版社, 1949; 24.
[13]十年制学校小学课本, 1.
[14] N.A. 初级小学常识课本: 第三册. 上海：人民教育出版社, 1949; 6-17
[15]N.A. 初级小学常识课本: 第八册，4-9
[16]N.A.华侨适用初级小学课本常识 ：第六册。香港：中华书局，商务印书馆，1957; 1-2.
[17] N.A.华侨适用初级小学课本常识 ：第八册，62.
[18] N.A.华侨适用初级小学课本常识 ：第四册，1。
[19] N.A.华侨适用初级小学课本常识 ：第八册，22-23。
[20] N.A.华侨适用初级小学课本常识 ：第八册， 22-23。
2/03/2009
Research Notes: The fun of fairy tales
I came across a fantastic set of textbooks today that I felt the need to write about. Like most of what I have been writing about lately, these were Language Arts textbooks, meant for younger elementary school children. These textbooks were also somewhat special to me since they were the series that my friend the librarian used when he was a child. The pictures he showed me (see earlier post "Overanalysis") made me eager to begin reading this series.
What made these textbooks so special is that they are from 1955 (thus post Communist revolution) and yet filled with magical fairy tales, or tales about children. Unlike the 1972 language books, these books did not mention the military, the war of liberation (except in passing) and shockingly, hardly mentioned Mao Zedong.
Instead the book is largely filled with morality tales. Some of them include children, some include animals, some even include personified sun, moon, and rainbows. Below, I will summarize some of my favorite tales.
In a story called 小猫钓鱼 (little cat goes fishing), two cats, an old cat and a little cat, go fishing. While the old cat sits and watches his fishing pole, the younger cat is distracted by a bug and goes to catch it. The little cat comes back empty handed, while the older cat has caught a fish. They both continue fishing for a bit when the younger cat is distracted by a butterfly, which he subsequently chases. He again comes back empty handed, while the older cat has caught a few more fish. The younger cat complains that he has not caught anything, fish or bugs, and the older cat explains to him that if he continues to do things half heartedly, he will never succeed. So the small cat sits and fishes diligently, and then ends up catching some fish.
In a story called 狗找同伴 (the dog finds a companion), a dog realizes he is lonely, so he goes about the forest looking for a companion. He finds a rabbit, asks him to be his friend, and the rabbit agrees. But in the middle of the night, the dog begins to bark, and the rabbit tells him to be quiet or the fox will find them and eat them. The dog then realizes that a fox would be a better companion because he is not easily scared, so he goes to find the fox. He finds the fox, asks him to be his companion, and the fox agrees. But in the middle of the night, when the dog begins to bark, the fox scolds him to be quiet because the bear might come and kill them. The dog then decides that the bear would be a better companion, so he goes to find the bear. The bear agrees to be his companion, but in the middle of the night when the dog begins to bark, the bear also scolded him, warning him that he may wake up the humans. The dog then leaves the bear in search of man, and when he finds the man, he also agrees to be his companion. In the middle of the night, when the dog woke up to bark, the man soothed him, which allowed him to finally sleep. This is why man and dog are best friends.
In the story 白胡子老公公的话 (the words of the old man with a white beard), a little boy runs away from home, very upset, and goes to sit on a bench with an old man with a white beard. The boy explains his troubles, that his sister will not share her crayons, that mother will not allow him to try food, and that brother will not take him on his sailboat. He explains that he has no choice but to run away. The old man tells him that he will teach him one word that will make him forget all of his troubles. After that, the boy goes home and tries asking his brother, sister, and mother again using the word "please" (请你) and then all of his problems went away.
In the story 太阳山, there are two brothers, the older richer brother, and the younger poor brother. The older brother had everything, but the younger brother did not even have a place to live. Once, the younger brother sat on a mountain until well into the night, and he was confronted by a phoenix who offered to take him to a mountain filled with gold and treasures. The phoenix warned him, however, that he must leave the mountain before the sun comes up, or he will die. So the younger brother goes with the phoenix to the mountain and fills his pockets with gold and jewels. He then returns home and buys himself a nice house and things. He continues to work, but not like he used to; he now has a comfortable life. But the older brother asks him how he affords such things, so the younger brother told him his story. Overwhelmed by greed, the older brother goes to wait at the top of the mountain, and is confronted by the phoenix, who heeds the same warning. The older brother goes to the mountain to collect treasure, even after he had more than he could ever use. The phoenix returned, telling him that his time was almost out, and that he needed to go back, but the older brother still wanted more. The sun came up, and the older brother died.
And finally, in the story 冬老太太生气了 (mother winter gets angry), the story of winter weather is told through a personified winter. Mother winter wants others to fear her, so she goes through the trees and blows wind so hard all the leaves fall. But the trees still do not fear her. She then goes to the forest and blows snow into the forests, but the animals still do not fear her. She then goes to the lake, blows and causes ice so that the river freezes over, but the fish do not fear her. Finally, she goes to blow snow and ice at children on a lake, but they simply continue to ice skate. Seeing that she cannot be feared, she begins to cry. When this happens, spring is right around the corner.
What I think struck me most about this story is that I felt that, despite the few stories about Mao and Lenin, this textbook could very easily had been American, complete with the story of Goldilocks and the Three Bears (translated into Chinese, of course). The main values to be taken from this textbook were respect elders, don't steal or lie, don't be greedy, and more than anything, study hard. In fact, compared to other language textbooks, this seemed to replace the push to "follow the party in everything you do" with "study with everything that you have." No mention of making a better China, or the importance of standing up for the Communists.
I did expect the date of this series to make a difference, but I did not expect such a lack of emphasis on the revolution. In fact, many of the stories offered no moral guidelines at all (such as the story about mother nature). I guess this is just another journal that shows the plurality in the education system under the Communist system.
What made these textbooks so special is that they are from 1955 (thus post Communist revolution) and yet filled with magical fairy tales, or tales about children. Unlike the 1972 language books, these books did not mention the military, the war of liberation (except in passing) and shockingly, hardly mentioned Mao Zedong.
Instead the book is largely filled with morality tales. Some of them include children, some include animals, some even include personified sun, moon, and rainbows. Below, I will summarize some of my favorite tales.
In a story called 小猫钓鱼 (little cat goes fishing), two cats, an old cat and a little cat, go fishing. While the old cat sits and watches his fishing pole, the younger cat is distracted by a bug and goes to catch it. The little cat comes back empty handed, while the older cat has caught a fish. They both continue fishing for a bit when the younger cat is distracted by a butterfly, which he subsequently chases. He again comes back empty handed, while the older cat has caught a few more fish. The younger cat complains that he has not caught anything, fish or bugs, and the older cat explains to him that if he continues to do things half heartedly, he will never succeed. So the small cat sits and fishes diligently, and then ends up catching some fish.
In a story called 狗找同伴 (the dog finds a companion), a dog realizes he is lonely, so he goes about the forest looking for a companion. He finds a rabbit, asks him to be his friend, and the rabbit agrees. But in the middle of the night, the dog begins to bark, and the rabbit tells him to be quiet or the fox will find them and eat them. The dog then realizes that a fox would be a better companion because he is not easily scared, so he goes to find the fox. He finds the fox, asks him to be his companion, and the fox agrees. But in the middle of the night, when the dog begins to bark, the fox scolds him to be quiet because the bear might come and kill them. The dog then decides that the bear would be a better companion, so he goes to find the bear. The bear agrees to be his companion, but in the middle of the night when the dog begins to bark, the bear also scolded him, warning him that he may wake up the humans. The dog then leaves the bear in search of man, and when he finds the man, he also agrees to be his companion. In the middle of the night, when the dog woke up to bark, the man soothed him, which allowed him to finally sleep. This is why man and dog are best friends.
In the story 白胡子老公公的话 (the words of the old man with a white beard), a little boy runs away from home, very upset, and goes to sit on a bench with an old man with a white beard. The boy explains his troubles, that his sister will not share her crayons, that mother will not allow him to try food, and that brother will not take him on his sailboat. He explains that he has no choice but to run away. The old man tells him that he will teach him one word that will make him forget all of his troubles. After that, the boy goes home and tries asking his brother, sister, and mother again using the word "please" (请你) and then all of his problems went away.
In the story 太阳山, there are two brothers, the older richer brother, and the younger poor brother. The older brother had everything, but the younger brother did not even have a place to live. Once, the younger brother sat on a mountain until well into the night, and he was confronted by a phoenix who offered to take him to a mountain filled with gold and treasures. The phoenix warned him, however, that he must leave the mountain before the sun comes up, or he will die. So the younger brother goes with the phoenix to the mountain and fills his pockets with gold and jewels. He then returns home and buys himself a nice house and things. He continues to work, but not like he used to; he now has a comfortable life. But the older brother asks him how he affords such things, so the younger brother told him his story. Overwhelmed by greed, the older brother goes to wait at the top of the mountain, and is confronted by the phoenix, who heeds the same warning. The older brother goes to the mountain to collect treasure, even after he had more than he could ever use. The phoenix returned, telling him that his time was almost out, and that he needed to go back, but the older brother still wanted more. The sun came up, and the older brother died.
And finally, in the story 冬老太太生气了 (mother winter gets angry), the story of winter weather is told through a personified winter. Mother winter wants others to fear her, so she goes through the trees and blows wind so hard all the leaves fall. But the trees still do not fear her. She then goes to the forest and blows snow into the forests, but the animals still do not fear her. She then goes to the lake, blows and causes ice so that the river freezes over, but the fish do not fear her. Finally, she goes to blow snow and ice at children on a lake, but they simply continue to ice skate. Seeing that she cannot be feared, she begins to cry. When this happens, spring is right around the corner.
What I think struck me most about this story is that I felt that, despite the few stories about Mao and Lenin, this textbook could very easily had been American, complete with the story of Goldilocks and the Three Bears (translated into Chinese, of course). The main values to be taken from this textbook were respect elders, don't steal or lie, don't be greedy, and more than anything, study hard. In fact, compared to other language textbooks, this seemed to replace the push to "follow the party in everything you do" with "study with everything that you have." No mention of making a better China, or the importance of standing up for the Communists.
I did expect the date of this series to make a difference, but I did not expect such a lack of emphasis on the revolution. In fact, many of the stories offered no moral guidelines at all (such as the story about mother nature). I guess this is just another journal that shows the plurality in the education system under the Communist system.
2/02/2009
Research Notes: Free Thinkers in Communist China
I came across an essay by Mao Zedong entitled 反对党八股, or anti party jargon, in a Language Arts Textbook the other day. In the essay, Mao criticized party propaganda and party doctrine as being disadvantageous to the development of China. He also praised the May Fourth thinkers (a group to which he, once upon a time, once belonged); the May Fourthers were original in their thinking and their plans, and that plethora of ideas caused great development in the new China. This was somewhat reminiscent of Mao's 100 Flowers campaign, which came to a screeching halt in the 1950s when Mao decided to arrest and kill all those scholars he previously told to voice their criticisms. In the article, he claims that Anti party jargon is similar to what Lu Xun taught, and these, which propagate democracy and science, are very good for the party.
There is no need to point out the inconsistencies here, since most of what was included in the textbook was government propaganda. But the theme here I think is worth mentioning, because this is not the only time that the "be original and go against the grain" raised itself in language textbooks. Many of the stories also praise children for going against authority, for being creative and leading others in a new direction, etc. Very few stories praise people for simply following what everyone else was doing. For example, one girl who is so dedicated to the Communists kills herself rather than work for the other side during the Civil war in the 40s. Another group of children help to do a lot of yard work for their teacher even when she doesn't ask for it, calling it their secret (hence the name, the "Secret" of the Little Red Guards). One other example was about children who secretly studied Chinese during the war of Japanese resistance, which was illegal.There are even stories of children standing up to adults, such as one story where a child recognizes an adult stealing sheep from their neighbor, and the child confronts the man and tells him that is not right.
While these stories obviously teach moral lessons about the importance of following party doctrine, it also seems to glorify children who are extraordinary, not ordinary. The idea is that once people have the right basis to stand on, being the party doctrine, they should be creative and original, because that leads to a better China.
I think what I found most interesting about this theme is that it goes against much of what we think of when it comes to the Communist Era. Most pictures and representations and stereotypes of the time imply that everyone was meant to do nothing but follow orders, and that the Communists created a bunch of sheep. Instead, they inspired a generation of people who wanted to stick out and do what was best for the party through extraordinary and creative acts, not just by following what everyone else did. In practice, this is obviously not necessarily what happened. But the fact that this "free thinking" was part of the education I think is revealing about the Communist period. We should not shove off this period as being one of total control and authoritarianism, but rather, a time of creativity within a certain framework. This framework stifled most, but inspired others, such as the people in the stories or even real memoirs. We should also not just pass of textbooks as being simply government propaganda, but accept the possibility that they reflected a feasible reality. What that reality was, however, is much harder to discover.
There is no need to point out the inconsistencies here, since most of what was included in the textbook was government propaganda. But the theme here I think is worth mentioning, because this is not the only time that the "be original and go against the grain" raised itself in language textbooks. Many of the stories also praise children for going against authority, for being creative and leading others in a new direction, etc. Very few stories praise people for simply following what everyone else was doing. For example, one girl who is so dedicated to the Communists kills herself rather than work for the other side during the Civil war in the 40s. Another group of children help to do a lot of yard work for their teacher even when she doesn't ask for it, calling it their secret (hence the name, the "Secret" of the Little Red Guards). One other example was about children who secretly studied Chinese during the war of Japanese resistance, which was illegal.There are even stories of children standing up to adults, such as one story where a child recognizes an adult stealing sheep from their neighbor, and the child confronts the man and tells him that is not right.
While these stories obviously teach moral lessons about the importance of following party doctrine, it also seems to glorify children who are extraordinary, not ordinary. The idea is that once people have the right basis to stand on, being the party doctrine, they should be creative and original, because that leads to a better China.
I think what I found most interesting about this theme is that it goes against much of what we think of when it comes to the Communist Era. Most pictures and representations and stereotypes of the time imply that everyone was meant to do nothing but follow orders, and that the Communists created a bunch of sheep. Instead, they inspired a generation of people who wanted to stick out and do what was best for the party through extraordinary and creative acts, not just by following what everyone else did. In practice, this is obviously not necessarily what happened. But the fact that this "free thinking" was part of the education I think is revealing about the Communist period. We should not shove off this period as being one of total control and authoritarianism, but rather, a time of creativity within a certain framework. This framework stifled most, but inspired others, such as the people in the stories or even real memoirs. We should also not just pass of textbooks as being simply government propaganda, but accept the possibility that they reflected a feasible reality. What that reality was, however, is much harder to discover.
1/28/2009
Huang Shan
They say in China that once you have seen Huang Shan, or Yellow Mountain, there is no need to ever see another mountain. I think the main reason I would disagree with that is because Huang Shan is incredibly unique, but probably one of the most beautiful places I have ever seen in my life. And finally, the uniqueness of Chinese landscape paintings makes sense, since Huang Shan’s infamous sea of clouds seemed to be directly mirrored in most Chinese paintings.As the Lonely Planet pointed out, Huang Shan has been a tourist attraction for hundreds and hundreds of years, a popular retreat for literati and painters throughout Chinese history.
I don’t really have a lot to tell about the trip, as in this case more than anything, a picture is worth a thousand words. I will (quickly) highlight our journey. They built a new highway into Anhui province, where Huang Shan is, which means that it is now possible to get from Shanghai to the nearby town of Tunxi in just over 4 hours (where, a couple of years ago, it took more than 10 hours!) by bus. Unfortunately, from there it got a bit more complicated. We then had to take another bus for about an hour (and since it is a rural public bus, it was actually an hour and a half because we had to roam around and pick people up and drop people off in random places on the way) to the town of Tangkou, at the foot of the mountain, and then a short cab ride up to the entrance to the trail.
The hike was both easy and difficult. It was incredibly easy to follow as the path was entirely made up of stone stairs. It would be nearly impossible to stray off the path, making it very safe, even when there are no people around, which occasionally actually happened, a rarity for China. That being said, it was one of the hardest hikes I have ever been on. The hike up was about 8 kilometers, not extremely long, but it was 8 kilometers of nothing but stairs. So, while I enjoyed for the first time in months blue skies, chirping birds, and the sounds of silence, I did while huffing and puffing up the mountain, stopping to take more pictures than necessary simply for the excuse to take a break.
When we reached the summit, it was suddenly incredibly cold because there were no longer trees to block the high winds. We found our hotel and stayed in for the night simply because we were just too cold to go out. The next morning, we awoke early (5:30!!!) to see the Beihai sunrise. Huang Shan has always been famous for it’s sea of clouds (while watching the sunrise, the most common word everyone uttered was “yunhai” or sea of clouds. I am already extremely familiar with the battle with Chinese tourists for optimal picture taking opportunities, as no beautiful spot in Asia is free from Chinese tourists’ expensive professional cameras. So, even though the sunrise wasn’t until 7, I made sure to get there by 6: 15.
There I ran into some other Americans we had met the day before, and we all hiked up the nearby peak for an optimal viewing area. The most abandoned one we found only had one man with his giant camera, light sensor, and tripod all set up at the end of a plank like platform. I asked if he would share the edge of the platform, and he gave me a very long sob story about how he got up at 5 in the morning to get the perfect viewing area, and he wasn’t going to move his tripod (which did in fact take up the entire width of the platform).
I gave up the battle because I could still see clearly off the edge, but this man’s battles (and mine) were not over. Eventually the platform began to fill with people pressing up against us, even taking pictures over our heads and shoulders. Another man pushed his way almost to the front with his tripod and camera, yelling at the first guy to share his spot. The first guy gave him the same story he gave me, but the second man with his tripod wouldn’t accept it. He then started yelling about how he had let foreigners near the front, but wouldn’t let him up there. I snapped at him that we were there first, but that didn’t deter his comments. He began calling the first man a traitor to the Chinese race for letting foreigners near the front but not him, which caused me to yell at him, telling him he shouldn’t discriminate like this, we all want to take pictures and we were there first.
I’ve heard of this kind of discrimination before, but never really heard it before, and I was very angry. Fortunately, others on the platform began telling him to be more civilized, and he eventually stormed off to another place, leaving us in peace to take pictures. All that being said, the sunrise was beautiful, as was the hike down. We hiked down a different path which led us up and over some peaks, along narrow staircases carved along cliffs, giving us a fantastic view of the entire mountain range (again, I’ll let the pictures speak for themselves). The stairs we climbed were somewhat treacherous, going up and down, bringing us to the highest point of nearly 1800 meters only to clamber back down again.
Finally, we reached the end and looked for a taxi to bring us back to the town of tangkou. We shared it with a friend we met on the trail as well as two others, and then transferred to a bus that would bring us back to Tunxi. This is where we learned more about the bus system in rural China: they don’t leave until they are full. So we spent nearly an hour going round and round the town looking for passengers (and remember there were dozens of buses doing the same thing. Finally, we got on a private minibus that then took us to Tunxi, where we transferred to a bus that got us back to Shanghai in only 4 hours!
While this hike left me literally bedridden for a couple of days due to sore muscles, this was one of the most spectacular places I have ever been. But don’t take my word for it, check out the pictures.
Chinese 牛 year *
This week, all of China and much of the Asian world went home to their families, arms full with big fruit baskets and fixings for dumplings, to celebrate the lunar new year and the coming of the year of the ox. Since Chinese new year is a time for families to get together (some poorer people take much of their savings every year to make the trek back to their home towns to be with extended families) there is often little place for foreigners, which is why I was extremely fortunate to get the chance to spend a Chinese new year with friends and their families. 
I thought I would just write a short post and reflect on my Chinese new year experience.
Saturday the 25th was the day before 出席, or the day before
the night before "official" new year. On Saturday, I took a bus out to Qing Pu, a suburb of Shanghai, to eat dinner with my friend and her family. Her grandma, aunts, uncles, cousins, and nieces and nephews were all there, I believe over 10 people in all, and we shared a few dozen dishes together.
They mostly spoke Shanghainese to each other, so I didn't have a great opportunity to talk with people, but they all made sure I had a lot of red wine (which, according to them, is Chinese New Year drink) and would periodically signal to me to "ganbei" or "cheers." The dinner included a lot of seafood, a particularly "lucky" dish, as well as an array of beef and pork dishes (normally, duck and chicken would also be traditional food, but this family stayed away from it because of fears of bird flu). The feast then ended with fresh fruit.
After dinner, we all went back to my friend's aunt's house to play Mahjiang.
My friend told me that in her family, most of her family members do nothing but work and play mahjiang. While I know that was quite the overstatement, they played (I watched, since it is a 4 person game) for nearly 4 hours. While Mahjiang is played with tiles, from what I could understand of the rules, it could easily be a variation of Rummy if played with cards, and watching her family get so excited over it made me think of my family playing cards. For most of the nights of Chinese New Year, this is what her family did, although I only watched it this one day.
The next day, chuxi (or "new year's eve" so to speak) I had dinner with an American friend and his wife, in laws, daughter, and other friends. It was a great mix of Americans and Chinese people; fortunately, his in laws made the food, so we got to have a great Chinese feast, complete with good wine and bourbon. My favorite dishes were the kaofu, a spongy type of beancurd particular to Shanghai, and babaofan, or 8 treasure
rice. After that, we watched the Chinese New Years Eve special on TV. I was told that all Chinese people watch this on chuxi (although I later found out my other friend's family did not, they were playing Mahjiang), and one in our company works in Chinese television, so we watched in and out. To me, the highlight of the program was an international riverdance group, as well as a performance by some poor American exchange student they must have plucked off the street to speak pretty poor Chinese in a skit. As the evening went on, the performances and dances got more and more colorful (probably because their audience was getting more and more drunk), and outside, people were lighting fireworks (not illegal in Shanghai).At midnight, I felt like the entire city had come out of their houses to light fireworks, and the scene was spectacular. I wish I could explain what it was like to have literally hundreds of fireworks going off at the same time all around the city, so to better illustrate, I added a video I took at midnight that at least somewhat shows the magnitude of the midnight fireworks show. However, this scene lost its luster when it continued late into the night and then started up again at 7 in the morning, not giving me much time to sleep.
The next day, Monday, I went back to Qingpu to visit my friend and her family. For breakfasts and snacks, we had what was called "gao" or cakes made of sticky rice and then stuffed with red beans (see my friend next to them in the picture)
For dinner that night, it was just me, my friend, her mother, and her 85 year old grandmother, who (other than my Nana) is probably the cutest older woman I have ever met. We ate perch (the fish traditionally eaten at Chinese new year) in a fantastic soup with fish balls along with bamboo shoots, some pork, and other veggie dishes. Then, the next day, we went exploring around Qingpu, which seemed to me a fantastic community. We walked by street vendors, browsed through local shops, and passed by a local temple built in the Ming or Qing dynasty (we are still not clear). Then, for dinner, my friend's mom made 18 dishes for us and her extended family, including more perch, rice cooked in lotus leaves, eel, and chicken strips for my friend's 1 year old niece (although we all had a bit). 
After that, while much of the family went off to play Mahjiang, we went to sing at Karaoke, which is always a lot of fun and a great chance to practice Chinese.
Overall, I found that Chinese new year is actually a lot like Christmas in America; some go to worship ancestors, some go traveling, but everyone should be with family, and there is a huge emphasis on food. It seems the most traditional way to spend Chinese new year is with as many family members as possible, but some watch TV, some play games, some go to other countries. The traditions seem to vary, something I didn't expect. But while each family has it's own way of spending Chinese new year, it is a good chance to see family and eat a lot of food, something that many people in China don't often get to do. I was very lucky to be able to witness a part of it.
* For those who don't know, the character in the title, 牛, is the character for ox. It is pronounced "niu" and therefore sounds a lot like "new." It is a goofy and overdone play on words.
I thought I would just write a short post and reflect on my Chinese new year experience.Saturday the 25th was the day before 出席, or the day before
the night before "official" new year. On Saturday, I took a bus out to Qing Pu, a suburb of Shanghai, to eat dinner with my friend and her family. Her grandma, aunts, uncles, cousins, and nieces and nephews were all there, I believe over 10 people in all, and we shared a few dozen dishes together.
They mostly spoke Shanghainese to each other, so I didn't have a great opportunity to talk with people, but they all made sure I had a lot of red wine (which, according to them, is Chinese New Year drink) and would periodically signal to me to "ganbei" or "cheers." The dinner included a lot of seafood, a particularly "lucky" dish, as well as an array of beef and pork dishes (normally, duck and chicken would also be traditional food, but this family stayed away from it because of fears of bird flu). The feast then ended with fresh fruit.After dinner, we all went back to my friend's aunt's house to play Mahjiang.
My friend told me that in her family, most of her family members do nothing but work and play mahjiang. While I know that was quite the overstatement, they played (I watched, since it is a 4 person game) for nearly 4 hours. While Mahjiang is played with tiles, from what I could understand of the rules, it could easily be a variation of Rummy if played with cards, and watching her family get so excited over it made me think of my family playing cards. For most of the nights of Chinese New Year, this is what her family did, although I only watched it this one day.
The next day, chuxi (or "new year's eve" so to speak) I had dinner with an American friend and his wife, in laws, daughter, and other friends. It was a great mix of Americans and Chinese people; fortunately, his in laws made the food, so we got to have a great Chinese feast, complete with good wine and bourbon. My favorite dishes were the kaofu, a spongy type of beancurd particular to Shanghai, and babaofan, or 8 treasure
rice. After that, we watched the Chinese New Years Eve special on TV. I was told that all Chinese people watch this on chuxi (although I later found out my other friend's family did not, they were playing Mahjiang), and one in our company works in Chinese television, so we watched in and out. To me, the highlight of the program was an international riverdance group, as well as a performance by some poor American exchange student they must have plucked off the street to speak pretty poor Chinese in a skit. As the evening went on, the performances and dances got more and more colorful (probably because their audience was getting more and more drunk), and outside, people were lighting fireworks (not illegal in Shanghai).At midnight, I felt like the entire city had come out of their houses to light fireworks, and the scene was spectacular. I wish I could explain what it was like to have literally hundreds of fireworks going off at the same time all around the city, so to better illustrate, I added a video I took at midnight that at least somewhat shows the magnitude of the midnight fireworks show. However, this scene lost its luster when it continued late into the night and then started up again at 7 in the morning, not giving me much time to sleep.The next day, Monday, I went back to Qingpu to visit my friend and her family. For breakfasts and snacks, we had what was called "gao" or cakes made of sticky rice and then stuffed with red beans (see my friend next to them in the picture)
For dinner that night, it was just me, my friend, her mother, and her 85 year old grandmother, who (other than my Nana) is probably the cutest older woman I have ever met. We ate perch (the fish traditionally eaten at Chinese new year) in a fantastic soup with fish balls along with bamboo shoots, some pork, and other veggie dishes. Then, the next day, we went exploring around Qingpu, which seemed to me a fantastic community. We walked by street vendors, browsed through local shops, and passed by a local temple built in the Ming or Qing dynasty (we are still not clear). Then, for dinner, my friend's mom made 18 dishes for us and her extended family, including more perch, rice cooked in lotus leaves, eel, and chicken strips for my friend's 1 year old niece (although we all had a bit). 
After that, while much of the family went off to play Mahjiang, we went to sing at Karaoke, which is always a lot of fun and a great chance to practice Chinese.Overall, I found that Chinese new year is actually a lot like Christmas in America; some go to worship ancestors, some go traveling, but everyone should be with family, and there is a huge emphasis on food. It seems the most traditional way to spend Chinese new year is with as many family members as possible, but some watch TV, some play games, some go to other countries. The traditions seem to vary, something I didn't expect. But while each family has it's own way of spending Chinese new year, it is a good chance to see family and eat a lot of food, something that many people in China don't often get to do. I was very lucky to be able to witness a part of it.
* For those who don't know, the character in the title, 牛, is the character for ox. It is pronounced "niu" and therefore sounds a lot like "new." It is a goofy and overdone play on words.
1/15/2009
Research Notes: Who is a hero?
I remember as a child having, more than once, as an essay topic， or even interview topic： who is your hero and why? The way we define hero varies from situation to situation; oftentimes it is a parent or an adult with whom we had a very close relationship. But hero doesn't have to mean a hero like superman or even soldiers; it can simply mean someone who has inspired us to be better people.
Looking through language textbooks, however, we see that the term "hero" (英雄) was almost exclusively reserved for soldiers in the military. What is more, in some textbooks nearly 3/4 of the stories pertain to soldiers in the military. Sometimes there are female soldiers, but overwhelmingly, nearly all of the stories about battalions who overcame hardship, natural or human, to claim a victory for China.
I asked my friend the librarian about this topic, as he grew up reading these kinds of textbooks (although, if you see my post below, the textbooks he used had significantly fewer of these kinds of stories, as compared to other textbooks from the 1970s which were almost exclusively military stories).[1] He confirmed my theory, that the concept of "hero" was reserved for those who served in the military. He explained this to me, saying that when these textbooks were written, China had been at war with Western powers for nearly 100 years, and only when the Communist came into power did the Chinese finally start winning (let us remember the Opium wars, plural, the Sino Japanese war, the semi colonization, and then WWII in Asia, all of which decimated the Chinese state). However, the Communists won the civil war in the 40s, and (in Chinese accounts) the Korean war against the Americans in the 1950s. These people were the heroes of the new Chinese state. The librarian also pointed out to me that this still exists today because the PLA is involved with such things as Sichuan earthquake relief (which, by most accounts, was a very successful rescue mission, especially when compared to Katrina). He also admitted his bias, having served in the airforce.
Since I've talked about identity beyond a national sense, my first question would be, "what about women? Do they have no heroes?" But at the same time, women were a part of this struggle too. They fought against the Nationalists and the Japanese. So a lot of stories were about women. One in particular comes to mind about a girl who kills herself in front of nationalist troops rather than abandon the 8th road army (the Communist forces).
This also made me think of America. There is certainly an almost untouchable respect for our troops in America (we must support the troops) but it is not the only way to be a hero. This may be because it has been a long time since a large proportion of our male population has served in a war. More importantly, most of the veterans alive today served in wars of which our nation was not uniformly supportive. The Vietnam war, and Vietnam veterans, still serve as a point of contention amongst the population. No longer is it necessary to be a war hero, or even a veteran at all, to be considered a hero in the general sense. Obama's lack of military service was hardly mentioned during the campaign, and while McCain's experience in Vietnam was exhaustively used by the McCain camp, it's significance was largely lost on the younger generation of Americans.
What does this mean in the larger sense of what it means to be Chinese? I don't think that these textbooks are attempting to claim that the only way to be a hero is to be in the military. I think it serves more as a metaphor. The revolution claimed that sacrificing oneself for the cause was the most important thing a person can do, and military stories serve as a much more vivid example of this kind of sacrifice than stories about peasants who spend 12 hours a day farming, or children who collect nails off the street for the great leap forward. Furthermore, the formulaic story of soldiers overcoming harsh weather, dead surroundings, or an evil opposing army serves to demonstrate the common theme of overcoming hardships for the revolution. Even the "enemy" can serve to demonstrate a larger theme. In the many stories about soldiers crossing difficult mountain ranges, rivers, or surviving harsh weather, the writers of these stories send a message to children that through determination and dedication for the revolution, man can essentially overcome nature (a very radical idea throughout the history of China）. And when Chinese soldiers overcome American or Nationalist armies (I laughed a bit when we were called 美国鬼子， or American devils[2]), the authors can make strong anti imperialist or anti rightist statements.
It is still considered a respectful position to serve in the military, just as it still is in mainstream American society\. But I think these stories are not only meant to teach children to join the military; I think they wanted to teach children the greater themes about the meaning of sacrifice and the rewards of dedication.
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